Five years after “Crisi”. Update on facts, considerations and strategies

After a period of silence, this communication is an update to all who can and want to read about the facts, viewpoints and perspectives I have at the moment, since I have been holding my political and personal activity in secrecy for more than seven months.

The repressive answer I have recieved until now from the Spanish legal system has not surprised me, nor does it surprise me that they breech my defence rights, over and over again, even if these are recognized by their own Constitution. Nevertheless, my lack of surprise doesn’t imply a lack of action.

•    Right to be informed on the process, infringed.
•    Right to choose witnesses, infringed.
•    Right to choose freely my lawyer, infringed.
•    Right to have a defence lawyer, infringed.

It looks as if the second section of the Provincial Court of Barcelona has invented a new law against all odds, saying that an accused who is in hiding loses his fundamental rights in relation to the process of defence, even if the universal declaration of human rights is supposed to be valid for all human beings under any circumstance.

Therefore, more than 210 days after accepting the resignation of my previous lawyer, the judges still have not allowed me to designate another one. More than 210 days without lawyer, 180 of which under order of direct arrest.

What shouldn’t surprise us is that these things happen even when verified data warn us about the lack of separation of powers within this State, like for example: the fact that the Constitutional Court President an active member of the government’s ruling party or that the complicity of different powers of this State with the same banks that accuses me has been normalised, even after millions of euros in State loans have disappeared something which  has never been officially denounced.

In fact, even a sector which is normally not prone to mobilize itself, like justice workers have been,has now called an indefinite strike in Catalonia, to protest, amongst other things, against the growing privatization and recentralization of different judicial processes. For example,  it is expected that a Public Prosecutor, who hierarchically depends on the General Public Prosecutor  (which has been directly designated by State governament) , will follow a case, as supposed to an independent agent like a judge.

As I have already expressed in previous communications, this is not my way of addressing conflicts, and I do not accept to be part of a system of rights and obligations in which an external authority can judge me and condemn me to prison without even listening to my arguments. For this reason, in collaboration with a working group formed by scholars and professionals on restorative justice, we are preparing a restorative project that really allows all the parts involved and affected to equally take part in the conflict resolution, with openness and respect. The standpoint of respect to my personal dignity is the only perspective with which I will take part in a judicial process and no other.

While we prepare the restorative project, we are evaluating whether to carry out suitable legal actions against the daily infringement of my defence rights. Although I don’t feel in any way bound to this  legal system, this is still the only language that some people and institutions understand. Therefore sometimes it is necessary to use this language, to  avoid leaving actions like these un addressed, as they may affect other people.

I publish this update today because on this same date, 5 years ago,  the publication “Crisi” saw the light. In it, besides the statement that «I have “stolen” 492.000€ to those who most stole from us in order to denounce them and build alternatives for society», I incorporated a whole range of  serious critiques to the banking system, which now seem insufficient in relation to the facts which have taken place during the permanent crisis in which we have lived ever since.

Taking advantage of the fact that this bank expropriation was presented on the 17th of September of 2008 as an individual action (even though contextualized in a much wider social movement), several media and the legal system itself have sought to depoliticize the action in order to introduce it like an isolated  fact, moving it away from its political meaning as a denouncement and, especially, as an impulse to construct a collective process.

Today, taking into account that the Spanish legal system includes a law by which all crimes punished by less than 5 years of prison will go in to prescription  five years after they happened, I can say that this action would not have been possible without the contribution of many people . Of paramount importance have been all the processes of consensus decision  which allowed us to collectively choose  how to use much of those funds and how to carry out the projects. Being aware of the origin of the money gave it a revolutionary political meaning with which we aim to develop alternatives to the established system which it would not have had if it had only been an individual action.

Perhaps now, taking advantage of the time gone by, it’s be more feasible for other people to share how they experienced this action and about  how those  funds were allocated.

However, as I said, the reasons that justified my actions have not prescribed, and that’s why  I continue providing support to other initiatives who t  seek to similarly. For the same reason I have not given up taking advantage of and poking new security holes in this banking system  whose only  aim is to get profits out of  people’s savings. Because of this, Spanish police is now hunting me not only for the action explained in 2008, but also for another one, although smaller, realised in 2011.

While banks continue to keep the monopoly to issue legal money, while they continue to loan with high interests the money they created at no cost by State agreements and which should have been common resources, while they continue unpunished in their speculative drift, generating holes of billions of Euros that cause social cut backs all around, while they make themselves responsible of personal dramas evicting people from their houses…, while all this continues to happen it will equally be legitimate to recover with collective audacity as much as we can of this defrauded money and dedicate it to projects which are really in the interest of the common good.

Living this experience, needing to hide in order to perform actions which I find coherent with my view of the revolution doesn’t take away my sleep. In fact, all these days with reduced socialization and no public presence have not led only to a number of limitations but above all they have been usefull in allowing me to access and deepen some learnings which made me evolve in those strategies which I consider important for social transformation. Therefore I took some time to organize all this new knowledge and ideas, developing new projects which I find particularly motivating and urgent today.

One of the topics that caught my attention these months is how all the efforts made in the last few years, to hide  the technological development  of Internet giants and their connections with U.S. government (and other governments around the world), aimed at controlling people through the Internet, has been shattered because one single person has dared to risk going public and his testimony has been all around the world. The same happened before with thousands of secret documents, released by WikiLeaks and their brave reporters.

This unquestionable evidence of global espionage will accelerate the growth of specific technology and the use of encrypted communication tools which will make it almost impossible for these agencies to keep control of people’s information.

These are significant examples of the reduction of historical imbalances between the dominating power and people’s freedom.

But there is much more. This year we witnessed the explosion of decentralized digital currency, which, with p2p technology and cryptography, are currently being used to maintain anonymity and privacy in an area, the economic exchange, the control of which is the basis for the State’s economy. After many centuries of monopoly on the issue of currency by central banks and private banks; after the states have devoted enormous resources to control and oversee the economy of the lower classes … now, thanks to free software a technology has been designed and shared which not only allows to move values from anywhere in the world without commissions, but also prevents these actions from being  overseen.

And there is even more. 3D manufacturing technology allows the manufacturing of all types of parts and devices with a single machine of less than 1 cubic meter, the designs of which are shared on the network so other people can also make them without having to conceive them again. Moreover, this technology is set to put limits on the control exerted   by the  State, while patents are losing importance just as they did years ago on copyright licensing about intellectual propriety.

Therefore, technologies such as encryption, bitcoin and 3D printers are the spearhead of a whole range of revolutionary technologies that only just started to enhance the freedom of individuals and of self-organized networks on the fringes of the power, putting a sell by date  on the hegemony of the States-nation as we have known them in the last decades. The control systems of economic activity based on the coercion and the monopoly of violence, have their days counted. In the future, only through conviction, education, and sincere work for the common good it will be possible to joint resources to use them for the general interest.

In this context, all those who work for an holistic revolution that includes the building of new structures of social and political self -organization and at the same time for a deep transformation of human beings that recovers value of community have an even bigger challenge ahead than  we had imagined. It is really important, if not indispensable, that we can show –with the diffusion of this vision and practices– that it is possible to generate a model of social and economic organisation without any type of coercion, voluntary and without the need to confine itself to any specific political territory.

Therefore, while I continue collaborating even with the difficulties  due to my physical absence during the development  of the Cooperativa Integral Catalana, I think it is important that this very moment marks a point between a before and an after, in a particular important way: to priorize new actions of networking and communication between initiatives at planetary level.

Logically, the silence that accompanied the RADI collective, after having announced its creation just over half a year ago, has had to do with all this strategic rethinking. Therefore, you will hear about it soon again.

Enric Duran

September 17, 2013


Any disobedient at prison. An open letter to the Power and a new Collective Project

To begin this third and last post in this series, I want to remind you of my previous statement of September 17, 2008, which already contained the following words: “I don’t acknowledge the judicial system as a legitimate entity to judge me”. And I declared similarly in December 2011 in my bulletin so called “insubordination to the banking system and the right to rebellion: a call to massive civil disobedience“.

Back then I was already giving some reasoning for refusing to accept the legitimacy of the judicial system: its lack of interest for the disappearance of billions of euros on the financial system, the reform in September 2011 of the Spanish Constitution which benefits the banking system by establishing the payment of public debt as the absolute first priority, and the severe budget cuts in public healthcare which have already killed some people at Catalonia and that have reduced the value of everybody’s lives.

I was also rejecting the legitimacy of the Public Prosecutor: they lose all legitimacy to charge me of anything, not even for requesting any compensation or conviction for any political action such as what I did by restraining themselves when bankers and politicians are conspiring against People. The laws upon which their accusations are based one are rendered null and void by the fact that they are used to benefit the upper classes and against the popular ones. My action against the banking system was precisely an act of restoration and social justice, to help balance, some part of the ongoing injustices perpetrated by those in power, even if in a very small way. I firmly believe that those who don’t deserve my share of sovereignty by obviating the conflict between the dominant and popular classes lack also legitimacy to accuse or judge me, .

No one should be surprised then when the past February 12th I didn’t show up to the mock trial that they prepared for me. I had in a sense already announced my intention of not turning up. How can anybody expect me to venture into the lion’s den if I don’t believe a priori in the judicial system after the open violations pepetrated to my rights?

It must be noted that in this judicial process I am being accused of a series of actions for which I already assumed full responsibility on September 17th 2008 (Certainly, the prosecutor is not even taking into account within its criminal petition the confession as an extenuating circumstance).The key element within this judicial process according to the lawfulness of this system which I disobey is then: whether there was or not state of distress as an exemption of punishment  (see my post from February 12th),

Nor the accusation not either the judges in all this process of complaint, arrest, preventive detention, parole, injunction, prosecutor directives, rejection of the defendant’s witnesses, and trial have wanted to acknowledge the motivation for civil disobedience before the illicit actions of the financial system, which is also putting most people in jeopardy. And that was precisely the frame for my action.

Under this light, a court that ignores those facts and hence this probable state of distress, is not deserving of the collaboration of a person committed to human rights; and therefore the question is not just my collaboration, but the fact that I would advise everybody caring for her own dignity against collaborating under such circumstances.

Our criticism agains the judicial system goes far beyond, as explained on the first post of this series, published on February 20th: (pending to translate)

We know that the so called judicial authority is not used to this kind of disobedience, that this issue is not just a consequence of its disdain for our reasons, but that in fact it is a question of deep moral objection.

I have to admit that for the last three years I have never considered to voluntarily show up at the criminal trial against my person in fact. This does not dismiss the attacks to my right to self-defence though, to which I have been subjected in the precise way I have explained, and are therefore unacceptable. A little proof of the lack of respect for the fundamental rights from the very official justice institutions allegedly appointed to its protection.

Of course it was in my best interest for the trial to be suspended. I wanted to gain time because the more time has passed since I went out on bail in May 2009, the strongest has been the actions we have been undertaking towards the construction of a new society which will be on par with the heigth of our hearts. It was in my interest because I feel my personal face-to-face implication in the Cooperativa Integral Catalana: is an important contribution to keep collaborating in the collective construction of other healthcare system, other education, other economy, an alternative way of organization, and the construction of deep experiences for the XXX[ link to? Integral Revolution ]XXX that are empowering and giving hope to thousands.

I have always been convinced of keeping my militancy in front of being kidnapped by a corrupted system facing the risk of halting my implication on this activity for the common good.

Consequently I can no longer attend meetings, assemblies, workshops, etc. But I keep actively involved from the virtual world. Which is way better than being subjected to a captivity regime, confined on a disgraceful institution, the prison, absolutely unworthy of this century. In a situation where all my potentialities are denied, unable to communicate with the world and severely limited in my social and personal relationships. And all of this on charge to the Catalan Government, when all I spontaniously do while free is generating wealth, fostering people’s self-empowerment and promoting self-management.

And the fact is that the methods of the judicial system and the prison system yield no good for anybody, when facing cases like this one. They are detrimental for the public administration, apart from causing harm to me. They harm also the same banks that are accusing me which are wasting money on the process itself, apart from never recovering the money I took from them. They also damage their own image and reputation, given the popular support I am receiving.

This is not an isolated case. We keep holding a judicial and penitentiary system which keeps incurring in huge economic expenses from the administration, and subsequently from citizens in this context of social services cuts that are affectimg the basic needs of most people under the pretext of economic deficit. Nobody profits from this situation on general terms, not even these systems themselves, and hence the isolation and suffering of the convicts lacks any purpose.

To be honest, though, there are some entities which benefit from these processes, such as the civil officials of the justice system, judges, attorneys, lawyers, etc. who receive an steady flow of income – substantial in some cases – resulting from the perpetuation of these incomprehensible processes. Not to mention the businesses which are appointed to operate prison services. The latter is a deep and dark issue in itself which shall be dealt with on other occasion.

These people who have jobs connected to the department of justice are clearly getting an economic benefit. But I would seriously question if the goals set for them on their jobs can in any way help them to feel fulfilled and happy with what they do.

We cannot stay idly just waiting for me not to be found any longer before all these records, circumstances and reflections; we have decided to act so to transform within this very context of disobedience, trials and imprisonment risks, as we are a movement which wants to revolutionize integrally. That is the reason why I have composed as a part of this communique an Open Letter both to the Court Members who have the duty of taking me to the trial and to the whole Accusation.


Dear Sirs from the Second Section of Provincial Audience of Barcelone, from Public Prosecution and from the 16 financial entities (not so many nowadays…) that take part within this penal process against me:

Above all, I want to insist on considering that my return to the society, after having borrowed 492,000 eur, and not having given them back, has already been justified enough thanks to all the destinations which these money had, and mainly due to the development task of self-management projects that, after years of studies and constructions have eventually led to the movement of Integral Cooperatives, as it is possible to find out in a more detailed way following this link: (in spanish) and as many people know on firsthand, and many more support.

However, I can reach to understand that a part of the society, the complainant bankers, the State structure and those who support them or just feel themselves at odds about my vision of the Common Good, have a conflict againts me because they do not agree with the fact that this reciprocal relationship has been taken place or they simply do not have any knowledge from all these initiatives. Logically, It is needed to approach to the question of how we manage this situation.

We depart fom some preconditions resoundong enough: on one hand the Court and the Accusation is not respecting my argumentation based on a values system that places the Commn Good above all the private interests of Banking. By the other hand, me, the author of the facts, I do not accept the legitimacy of your legal system, of your laws and of your authority.

As I already explained within the second out of my three posts,  “Lets spread disobedience, lets extend the integral revolution. Call to action”  I took part of an every time larger collective from where we have assumed as broken the Social Contract within the realtion between citizenship and State is based upon, and we have given our quota of Popular Sovereignity to processes of social self-organization from which we are building specifical practices of Integral Revolution.

You surely, the ones who misinterpret our disobedience as delinquency, do not acknowledge legitymacy to our self-managed system, we have not asked for it either, so we match at this pont: we do not give you legitimacy, you do not give it to us either. The difference is that you as representatives of a State consider yourselves as possessers of authority enough to oblige us to comply with your laws and orders. If you believe that you have the right to order us is due to the fact that this State, as almost any other nowadays State, is conceived in a totalitarian shape, regarding its belonging, in other words: according to your allegedly democratic model, as soon as a person is born, depending on her birthpkace and on the nationality of ther parents, is compelled to comply with a system of authorities, laws and orders, who has not been choosen by her.

This is not like that in a system linked to the Integral Revolution, people choose to take part of an Integral Cooperative, according to a free adhesion model, for instance. We can start taking part of it at any moment, and we can unsubscribe wheneer we want it.

Our system of decision-making is assembleary, and there are conflicts obviously, the conflict is connatural to the human existence, the main difference is that the management of the conflict and the making of agreements contains and considers the opinions of all people linked to that very conflict. We go on generating a process of consensus until we arrive to the situation of taking a decision within all parts involved approve, taking into account the different viewpoints, the affectations and the feelings of all parts linked to this problem.

I deeply believe in this conflict gestion model and that’s why I dont accept and i won’t ever do, an impossed decision in which i could not take part.

Therefore, once we have contextualized this situation, what I want to propound to the Court before intending to impose me new measures,is to wait until I can prepare a proposal of what I can contribute as a reciprocal action for all society. from which if not to the whole, to the biggest part of Catalan society can consider a good return which I will become responsible to give, including those sectors who feel very distant to our values and way of understanding life.

It will be a proposal that, at the same time that is coherent with our auonomous principle of the Integral Revolution, benefits popular classes and to all those who, even feeling themselves linked to an State (disregarding if it is the Spanish State or the future Catalan one), keep on waiting to see reflecte their ideals of freedom, justice and equity.

The other option that Court has is to keep on their marked gridded line; pursuing and prosecuting me in order to try to capture me in some of the many places of Europe that I have been offered to stay. Wasting losts of money among police researches, the cost of keeping me in jail if I was catched, in useless trials. And in this way, keeping on generating popular indignation which will convey more harm later on, as well as more police costs and mediatic manipulation. In the end with this last option the Court would choose to keep on being part of the authoritative and destructive way which is leading the capitalist society to a no exit way.

Thus, the proposal I have subimitted to you lays on the table, a proposal to all the society in which we will keep on working. From this very point, Ladies and Sirs of the Court, ¡You’ll see what you do!


Well, mates, friends and readers:

Given all the already mentioned facts in this very letter I am sure that I will contribute much better to the society if I allow myself for a while to prepare a good in-depth proposal, that can be exposed both before the Court and the whole citizenship.

Due to this reason and acting in a preventive way, just in case of what it could happen, I have started a new stage.

Since a few days before the trial, I have disappeared without a trace, and since then I am protecting my freedom in some place of Europe.

It is not, then, an improvised movement, and not either a personal decision only. Since I knew some months ago that the trail could been in short, when the Second Section of the Audience as Court was designated after the judicial investigation, we have been sure that the a priori unfavourable circumstance of the judicial process should become a new creative chance to generate a structure that beyond me, benefits all people whao can meet risks alike, thanks to their desobedient action.

This is the moment to take it forward, regardless of what happens with the Court.

What is starting right now is a collective project, which has been in-depth and discretely debated for a long time. A project which we halve already decided that sould begin whenever needed for any of us. The moment has already arrived and we are willing to explain it.

It is not a proposal of vanguard, but to take care of our rearguard. Because what we want to do is to protect the Integral Revolution, working in order that not me, not any other disobedient activist has to go to prison. A proposal that we consider interesting for all the people committed with Human Rights and social transformation of Catalonia and of the whole world.

Some of the main targets of this project that is just started are:

  • Creating a structure for the protection of the physical integrity of activists’ committed with the society transformation, the integral revolution and the freedom of expression, which in a given moment can be pursued by judicial and repressive structures of the State and by the econmical powers, and that want to choose the option of disobedience and personal protection.
  • Deepening in the research and in the deelopment of integral strategies so to guarantee that no other disobedient activist could be pursued by any kind of oppressive power, nor threatened with prison. One of these working lines is the one of deepening in alternatives to the judicial system and also to the failured criminal model based upon the imprisonment. Tahnks to this working line already mentioned we want to benefit as well several collectives likely to be affected by penal measures
  • Impelling the freedom os expression through the spreading of silent info and content, which is not been spreading by the pressure of established political powers. This structure will allow as well the consolidation of study and research lines that cannot be currently developed, or that are restrained because of lack of economical resources and different ways of pressure. We are specially thinking about the release and massive spreading of censored knowledges form some of the key topics such as: Health, Technology, Energy…

The need of such a structure so to protect us from the Justice, mercenaries and other threats of the Power, is been clearly evident learning from the history. Many of us know examples of pursued researchers, informants and journalists killed. Only in Mexico 71 journalists have been killed in a 12 years period.

It is clearly observable the case of the pursue against Julian Assange as the responsible for Wikileaks.

It is a century ago since the Tesla’s case, the genius of energetical inventions, and the economical miseries that accompanied him during his last days of life still provokes us long meditation.

Beyond such well-known cases, there are hundreds of cases of censorship and pressure of factical powers, against which it will be possible to do more things thanks to a collective structure as this one.

Looking no further, the very day I am writing this post, the magazin “Café amb Llet” has been forced to take out from the Internet the video “The biggest robbery of Catalonia’s History”

But we know that disobedience will not stop by the censorer action of the “justice”, on the contrary, it will become multiplied, so that we have posted them again at the “Derecho de Rebelión” channel, like other sites of the Internet: (1) and (2)

Given that it is becoming increasingly risky to defend freedom of expression and the Common Good, new self managed structures of protection are needed, which can be capable of making us invisible before the control systems of the power in their different faces.

The name for this very new collective project is RADI (Revolution, Action, Desobedience, Integral). The RADI is already working nowadays so to make possible the compliance qith these already mentioned objectives that can be also found at

We will publicly communicate among us form this new identity. Thus, this first person of the plural from which I have been speaking at the last posts, receives its shape and name, from now on.

A new seed has germinated: it is Committed, Resistent, Entangled, Auster, Revolutionary, Activist, Disobedient, Integral, Creative, Active, Free. Dreamer,

Invisible to the sight of the storm, happily breaths in some of the rebel orchards of our world. More seeds will germinate with steady steps and the clear shortcut, to raise the sight ans saying: We are not afraid!

A new dimension of the Integral Revolution has already been started!
Enric Duran + RADI

28th of February, 2013





Let’s spread disobedience. Let’s extend the Integral Revolution

A call to Action

The uprooting we have been suffering as a species, inherent in the dynamics of this system, is unprecedented.

The colonization of our lives goes beyond what is described in simple terms as economic crisis and becomes a crisis that affects all areas, making us forget our values ​​and lose our basic life and living skills.

While social and economic rights achieved after decades of struggle are severely degraded, we are further dehumanized by the promotion of individualism and superficiality, along with the social control exercised by the state through repression, welfarism, misinformation and authoritarian education – destroying our ability to think, act and love life itself. It kills what has been called the concrete human essence.

So as to not lose this essence it is essential to consciously reconstruct it – both individually and collectively.

This is the first step toward the revival of what is already rotten in this system and in our own person.

The raising of awareness that is becoming apparent today, is accompanied by a radical break from imposed needs, material or otherwise.

Voluntary simplicity, but without limits to the abundance of that which is essential: the flow of feelings and emotions between people, and a happy and fulfilling life. To do this we are learning to self-manage resources which will collectively allow us to supply ourselves with what we really need, and with dignity. We are creating ways of living that have mutual support and trust networks as a basic substrate. At the same time, we must break the verticality which holds this society together. It will not be possible to do it from a passive standpoint because the structural violence of the system of domination requires an experiential and organized response from the bottom up. This response will need horizontal projects in political action and ideological emancipation. It’s not about being to the right or left, or even about who is at the top or at the bottom: it is about emerging together, all those who wish to, in an organized manner toward another system that can value the physical commons and relationships as well as cooperation, reciprocity, mutuality and multiculturalism; understanding the Earth’s limits and focusing on the care of this shared home.

All these developments toward the liberation and reconstruction of the collective subject and the conditions of our existence are what we call Integral Revolution. A process of construction with its roots in self management, that is based on autonomy and on the abolition of existing forms of domination: states, capitalism, and everything that interferes negatively in human relationships and in our relationship with nature. The Integral Revolution implies conscious action to improve and restore qualities and values ​​of life in community and at the same time, the creation of new organizational forms to ensure equality and fairness in deciding how to cover our basic needs.

The Revolution of those who live each day as they feel, those who re-create community ties between neighbours step by step, those do not put themselves either up or down, of those who listen, laugh, of those who dance, those who know how to give a second chance, those who know when not to abide by even their own standards, those who have no fear, who trust, who love …

All these people are already taking part in the Integral Revolution.

Many individuals and groups have been on this path for a long time. There are even generations born within free and autonomous societies, out of reach of the authoritarian grip of all known systems. An example are the indigenous peoples who realize that their actions not only affect the here and now, but also that they have to take care of anything that allows for life as a common good.

They are the most radical anti-capitalists, often without knowing it, without getting into the “anti” standpoint that labels them as something else. 

Those of us who are living in the so-called West, can also take on once again the ongoing construction of a collective identity and of direct action in the exercise of our rights, without asking permission from any authority outside the local assembly process, also because we have the ability to recover the identity of our peoples, to link ourselves with the make-up of our environment and to recover our ancestral knowledge combined with our collective intelligence.

These are the tools that allow for the Integral Revolution.

Whilst we live in this new world we are building, we have to take into account the interference caused by state attempts at coercion and assimilation, but without focusing all our attention and intentions on it. Perhaps the most revolutionary act would be to ignore them all and leave the masters without slaves, but because they will not ignore us, we have no option but to disobey. We are attacked for our everyday contempt for authority, whether legal, medical, intellectual, cultural, economic or political. That’s why we opted for the Integral Disobedience as a condition for continuing to build.

To facilitate understanding of this term, we shall introduce the concept of a “social contract.”

The social contract is a philosophical and political concept which is the underlying basis of an individual’s relationship to society.

Integral Disobedience involves breaking the social contract with the state of the territory where we live, in order to create a new social contract with a community in which the individual really feels connected.

Within the framework of the Integral Revolution, new communities are emerging where people are accepted and can actively participate in the process of defining rights and duties inherent in this social contract that enables us to live in society. A self managing rural community, a region, or an integral cooperative active across a wider area, would be three examples of these new institutions with which we choose to forge this new social contract.

Instead of delegating sovereignty to an alleged parliamentary democracy, we can participate directly in decisions through a truly democratic Assembly. When we pass from an implicit contract, which we never really signed, to an explicit contract, we are making an empowering leap. This is so that living in society can also mean living in freedom. In this framework, we can also choose to be part of different communities, among which we distribute our involvement and commitment, from the more experiential and small, to the more structured and wide.

These can supplement each other because none of them will be totalitarian like the state, and therefore will not try to control all spheres of the individual’s life but rather help in the areas within which each person chooses to work.

Local assemblies, which try to be more and more constructive, autonomous spaces to meet community needs, and integral cooperatives that are becoming reality every day, are some of the examples of the Integral Revolution. These are much more worthy examples of where to place popular sovereignty for people who participate daily in politics: in assembly based political activism rather than in the supposedly democratic institutions of the state. When we carry out Integral

Disobedience, we disassemble the legitimacy of the capitalist state system and participate in legitimizing a new system.

Starting from the stated context, it is our long-term strategy to improve the way society operates from within by institutional means or via protest, or through reforms, lobbying activities, etc… In fact, the decline in social rights that we have seen in the last five years, shows that after decades of what it has cost in the path of social struggle and mobilization, the capitalist system is able to disassemble it in one term.

However, we recognize the value of denouncing injustice, raising awareness, dignity and social empowerment that protest movements carry out. These are lived with excitement, seriously and persistently, and short-term wins that can be achieved in this way are still important.

As a living example of the present, desperate struggle to defend the basic right to housing, Plataforma Afectados por la Hipoteca (PAH – Platform of those affected by mortgage) brought hundreds of thousands of people to the streets this past 16th February to defend an ILP (Iniciativa Legislativa Popular with 1402854 signatures, and the citizen tides will march together on the 23rd of February, under the theme “Citizen tide against cuts and for a true democracy”.

”Never doubt that a small group of people can change the world”

You may get the idea that the people who are willing to take these values ​​of integral transformation in our lives are a minority in society. We could conclude that about 1% of Catalonia are actively involved in some kind of self-management initiative, and between 5 and 10% are directly related to it, but do not participate or have only done so sporadically.

If we had been thinking about this 15 years ago, when there were almost no consumer cooperatives or self-managed social centers or networks of exchange, or free children’s nurseries, much less the approach of creating integral cooperatives – we would probably have concluded that the number of participants would have been at least 10 times smaller, but without the efforts of that small minority we would now be very far from where we are.

If we continue this way, 10% of the population would be actively participating in a self-management initiative by 2028 and at least 50% would then be related directly and/or would be involved with them at some point in their lives.

I prefer dangerous freedom to peaceful servitude.

Right now it is not the fact we are a minority; it’s not money, prison or the police that we have to fear. What we have to fear is fear itself, because that’s the only thing that separates us from the empowerment we need to regain control of our lives and to allow us to build the society we want. So, compañeros, we ask that you win over your fears.

There is no short-term security that can be an excuse to leave behind a commitment to another society. What is at stake is our commitment to ourselves to live the way we want to live, and feel good in the process.

Taking to the streets until we tire ourselves out is not enough. We can go further. We can disobey any imposed authority, we can stop buying from multinationals and trade instead with local businesses directly, we can become more self-sufficient, exchange with others, we can use social currencies. We can transform our relationships. We can stop accepting discrimination of any kind … Whatever our chains, we can break them.

Indignation and revolutionary commitment together with an attitude of Integral Disobedience with respect to legal, political and financial power, will no longer be enough to allow us to achieve the changes we wish to see in the world.

Call to Action to extend the Integral Revolution

With this appeal we are proposing 3 actions that have a direct connection with the process of expanding the paths that have already started:

1st action.

15, 16 and 17 March. 1st anniversary of the publication Rebelaos and 4th anniversary of the publication We Can!

We call all integral cooperatives, self-managed projects, local self-management nuclei, ecoxarxes and autonomous initiatives aligned to the principles of the Integral Revolution, to organize and host decentralized conference days to inform, welcome and facilitate the participation of everyone who wants to know what is being done. We call on you to help them to take steps to start being part of a process of self-managed creativity outside of capitalism.

We propose an action similar to that already made on the 17th of September 2009, when more than a hundred “points of contact” took to the streets.

Today, however, with the opportunity to link to much more advanced realities of social construction than what was available at that time. And this time we are not only proposing a specific way to welcome interested people, but that we invite them to take part in the creative aspect of each process to adapt and shape the proposal according to it’s current situation.

Provisionally, we will add news of this to the following link: and soon we will activate another page specifically to collect all the information, including a map of the talks that will be made and a common schedule.

2nd action

From March 18 to April 17. We call for a transfer of bank deposits.

Closure of stocks, mutual funds and deposits so that they can be moved to and deposited in ethical and cooperative banks.

Only this will promote the revival of the kind of economy that is desirable for the common good and for the majority of the population. Stop funding the casino economy and help finance cooperative, self-managed projects that really meet people’s needs.

So we are inviting you to close all the accounts that you can dispense of in conventional banks.

Possible options for transferring deposits:

Fiare.Cooperative. Ethical banking project in Europe. For years it has been accepting bank deposits and making loans, to cooperative social projects. During the last quarter of this year it will also begin to accept current accounts.
More info:

Coop 57.
Ethical, cooperative and supportive financial services, managing savings and loans to social economy projects promoting employment, fostering cooperation, solidarity and sustainability based on ethics and solidarity. More info: HYPERLINK “”

Som Energia. Cooperative marketing, production and consumption of renewable energy. Not a bank or a financial institution, but the savings of members creating cooperative development of renewable energy.
More info:

Casx: Cooperative Self-Social Network. It is a fledgling, assembly run, interest free banking project. It lends its members’ savings to self-managed projects related to its principles, which are similar to those of the Integral Revolution. This action coincides with its first anniversary.
More info:

In other areas, if you want to participate you could replace or extend these proposals with other organizations local to your area.]

The significance of this action is evident. We need to cut, as much as possible, any collaboration with the capitalist banking practice whose speculative practices have sunk the economies of millions and millions of people. Choosing where we deposit our savings is one of the most compelling ways to define our values ​​and our way of life.

3rd action.

April and May. A call to fiscal insubmission from income tax payment.

As we promoted last year with the Manual of Economic Disobedience, this time we again participate in the call to extend an act of fiscal disobedience actions to the spanish state, and to those that control it, as a consistent way of showing that we will not pay their debts because we do not recognize the Constitution, the current puppet government of global financial capitalism, and neither do we recognise, therefore, the state budgets for 2013.

Instead, we support self-taxation.

Therefore we will encourage the payment of what we do not pay the state to self-sustaining projects that are useful to cover the needs of the population.

To continue with this campaign we will create an updated edition of the Handbook of Economic Disobedience and update the page

While also recognizing and supporting other initiatives that are promoting similar actions, such as the “tax pledge campaign against corruption,” sponsored by the Call to Disobedience that consists in depositing to the Tax Treasury that they can be paid unless they meet the demands of institutional transparency demanded by the campaign.

Beyond the coordinated actions that can help us to recognize and attract more participants, the key is to continue building every day.

With mutual support we can help each other through our difficulties, and via mutual self reliance, can solve our neighbours’ problems a lot better than what the state is doing.

Everyone who is with us can network to make our lives into an Integral Disobedience to empower and to build the society that we each have within us. So a few days ago, a group of projects related to the Integral Revolution have begun the Call to Integral Revolution to build an international political and ideological space.

This can be found at

Long live the disobedient, long live the Integral Revolution!

Enric Duran Giralt


PS: I want to clarify that in this message and on this call to action I only take the role of speaker for a thought process that is collective, and that it is this collective that continues making this possible. Due to my current legal circumstances, I now have symbolic visibility as well as a physical invisibility. It is desirable that on another occasion this can pertain to another person. I’m not referring to the judicial farce, but to the role of speaker ;-)

Original at

Neither laws to maintain inequalities or trials which perpetuate oppression. Let’s rebuild the communitary self

Announcement from Enric Duran (1/3)

Our society does not seem to conceive that it is possible to live in a way that is not under the rule of law. We lose all initiative and even the basic habit of thinking about what we do, having had an education that since infancy estiguishes our spirit of rebellion and conducts us towards a blind obedience to authority. For centuries our governors have repeated: respect the law, obey authority. Most parents educate their children with this very sentiment and school only strengthens it. This turns law into cult and turns exemplary conduct into that which protects from the rebels.




But what law are we talking about? We know that the legal systems used today in western states is the child of Roman Law. In other words, it is a legislative system that was built in an age well-known for it’s imperialist and military barbarities: an age in which slavery and the death penalty were everyday facts as the Sun and the Moon are themselves. A Roman Empire which colonized the Iberian Peninsula and their originary inhabitants with it. Since then, we have gone through to all kinds of authoritarian regimes, centuries and centuries of barbarism and perversion that have been accompanied by submission to Roman Law. In this way we have reached this tarnishing of the word democracy that rules nowadays, without ever having broken away from Roman Law.

We would have to go back a thousand years to be able to understand the strong acceptance and internalization of expressions such as: “obedience to law”. We are now aware of the barbarities which were perpetrated by the nobles on the men and women of the rest of the population. We can understand that those who never obtained justice could see the fact of being theoretically granted with some of their personal rights  as a success that would allow them to save from their Lords’ arbitrariness.
It must be said that still in the 19th & 20th centuries rights were considered as a concession from the State to individuals, or in other words, rights were seen as a conquest by the People with regard to the willingness of the State to wield absolute power over peoples’ lives.

The Universal Declaration of Human Rights, still has not got preeminence with relation to the specific interests of the misnamed Nation-State. These, basing themselves both on government priorities and economic powers’ interests, consider individuals’ freedoms and the collective rights as a desirable goal, but not of compulsory accomplishment.

Still today we see the same paradox repeating itself: people, wanting to be free, who begin to ask their oppressors to protect them by modifying laws created by these aforementioned oppressors; but allowing people to change laws based on common good is not more than a preconceived tactic. It consists of making small concessions, in order to achieve both conformism and the submissive acceptatance of the great injustices by most of the population.

Despite this, whenever we meet rebellious people who do not want to comply with law, specially if they know they are promoted by controlling interests and if they mistrust the intentions of those who dictate them; This is even more likely among people who feel able to both create and to coexist within horizontal social structures where no rules are needed apart from those dictated by common sense and solidarity.

The legislator is the one who confuses, within a single solitary code, the maxims which represent principles for coexisting together with the rules which consecrate inequality. The customs and traditions which are absolutely necessary for the existence of societies are skillfully blended in with these other rules that are only profitable for the dominant classes and that are maintained via fear of further ordeals.

A legal breakpoint along this historical journey is sorely missed. We need a new social construction of rights and coexistence agreements that isn’t the result of the reform of a previously darker age. A new structure, not based on the absolutist power of the age of Emperors, Kings and dictators.

In the recent age of the misnamed capitalist democracies and the “division of powers”, Judiciary power has now become one part of three oppressive powers, together with Executive and Legislative. The Judiciary is the supreme guardian of obedience and social control. This goal is achieved by ensuring all kinds of rules are complied with, however abusive and unfair they are.

The Judiciary is composed above all of judges and magistrates, and given the division of powers, is theoretically independent from the Executive and the Legislative as well. But in practice its ability to limit both government activity and the approval of new laws strongly influences the creation and execution of public policies. At the same time, it depends on the Executive through the Ministry of Justice, which is the one that assigns its budgets or establishes the mechanism of choosing judicial offices. Therefore, this alleged independence is no more than a mirage.

What is exposed here so far is no more than a general approach about allegedly democratic states all around Europe. From this point onwards we will be focusing a little more on the direct oppression that has been called on us to live.

In Spain, the the self-governing body of the judiciary, with jurisdiction throughout the territory, is the “Consejo General del Poder Judicial (CGPJ)”, standing for ‘General Council of the Judiciary‘. It was created in 1978 in order to mitigate francoist influences, with the main function of guaranteeing the independence of judges and magistrates from the other powers of the State. It is placed within an equal institutional position with the Government, the Congress of Deputies, the Senate and the Constitutional Court.

The Council of Ministers of the Spanish State has recently approved a project of modification of the Statutory law of the Judicial Power as proposed by the Minister of Justice Alberto Ruiz-Gallardón. The Reform would reinforce the fact that it is the politicians (the most obedient dogs of the ECB and IMF) who rule, as they can appoint judges, disregarding wether they are corrupt or not, within the regions of their mandate. For this purpose, it is foreseen that any judge can apply for membership of the CGPJ with the support of only 25 members of the judicature whereas hitherto they should be 100. The fact that members have to be countersigned by 3/5 majority within the Parliament means it is practically the Judiciary that chooses; and nowadays, the absolute majority guarantees the PP (popular Party) the chance for appointing candidates according to their ideologies. Among the scandals of political corruption that affect all the governmental institutions, it seems vital for the PP to ensure a obedient Judiciary for them so to perpetuate their position in power and continue on unpunished.

Above the pyramid of judicial bodies lies the Constitutional Court, like an all-seeing eye. It has the task of looking after compliance with the Spanish Constitution by revising laws and the rules with the force of law.

The Constitution of 1978 is the result of a pact between dictatorship forces and their opposition at the time. It was approved under the armed control of the pro-Franco Army which, made up of democracy, got to be accepted via referendum.

But, what could we expect from a judiciary system that submits itself to maintening a visibly fascist structure? Nothing good, at the same time that we could expect little more if the Constitution had been written up and signed in different circumstances.This is because authoritarianism is implicit in the way it is drafted, as is its submission of the majority to the interests of a minority. Furthermore, that minority has kidnapped power and is not willing to give it back to the citizenship.

Alongside all this effort to feign independence, the crude reality shows us that those who have touched political, financial or simply judicial power, never end up in prison. They have not gone to prison if they have killed under a fascist dictatorship, as those who fought for Historical memory will remind us. Neither have they gone so far, as to do away with political corruption and out-of-control credit, with the systemic crisis which accompanies us and which has already economically ruined hundreds of thousands people, and that given the impunity of the guilty parties, is popularly known as just “a big swindle”.

We are not the only ones who feel the justice as unfair. And we are not the only ones that see how corruption has reached all the institutions of the miscalled democracy.

More than 1000 members of the judiciary career from the very den of the lion adhered in 2010 to a manifest. The “politicization” of the judiciary system was denounced in the already mentioned manifest, and it was warned that the independence of justice was in danger. A year before a study was done by the General Council of the Spanish Advocacy (CGPJ) counting on more than 5.000 lawyers. It contained the conclusion of that the 85% did agree in the fact that the “Consejo General del poder Judicial” had become in such a politiziced body which hardly can manage both efficiently and impartially the functioning of Justice. It was stated inside this very study that 71% of the lawyers thought that Justice worked wrongly; but at the same time, the 82% believed that, despite all its imperfections, the Administration of Justice stands for the last guarantee of defense of both democracy and freedoms.

We can ask ourselves what they will think, when in 2012 the access to the judicial system has become elitist. It has become such privative through an increase in judiciary taxes; this prevents the economically disadvantaged from defending their rights. It also discourages the non-wealthy from defending their rights via the courts, together with the costs of both lawyers and attorneys.

How they then dare to hypocritically keep the Constitutional article saying “Spaniards are equal before the Law, and there can be no discrimination by reason of birthplace, race, sex, religion, opinion nor any other condition, personal or social circumstance?”

This is not just an example of how Law states one thing but in fact it happens the opposite; an example of how the State plans to improve our life and it truly happens the contrary; of how certain officials say that they find the reason for their existence among the People, but they actually attack them.

The actors of justice within this discordant context have to suffer what is called cognitive dissonance in the same way as doctors and journalistsa. This is a psychological mechanism. It activates iteself whenever a person is forced to do something completely different to what was their original intention. Whenever the rewards and punishments increase, the magnitude of the dissonance grows. This situation makes old dreams of youthfulness give in to pragmatism. This is a psychological mechanism that political and economic powers know how to exploit.

So as to be able to function as a judge, a person must lose all the feelings that shape the noblest part of the human nature. They must live in a judiciary fictions world by applying sentences of freedom deprivation. These sentences are executed without ever thinking about the abyss of degradation where he/ she has fallen vs. the ones who condemn. We see a elaborator of laws’ race, that legislates without knowing what it legislates about. However, that race does not forget the fine which affects one thousand times less immoral men than what they themselves are. We eventually see: the lack of the human feeling of the jailer, the police become into a ban dogt; the spy despises on himself/ herself, the delation is transformed into virtue, the corruption is erected into system; all vices, all the perversion of human nature favored and grown aiming at the success of Law.
Can we understand that there has not been in a two millennium period any judiciary revolution? Can we accept we are still suffering of a reduced group of chosen ones? Can we admit that, on the basis of their both conservative ideology and their affinity to the turn government, have the Gods’ role. Can we accept that they are able to decide on our lives’ future? Can we assume that a system based upon both the criminalization and the punishment rules us? Can we accept a system that does not cease to find shortcuts for those on the power’s band not going to prison? In any case, if they take it into account, it will be in order to increase our penalty. They are an interested part on perpetuating themselves on the same power that we want to make falling. Can they simultaniously be implied part and judges?

A figure, the judges, which has historically been in the service of any regime, imperial, dictatorial, falsely democratic, oligarchic, plutocratic or nature whatsoever, while effective to perpetuate inequalities. Must these people judge us? And who will judge them?

Do you really want to ask them to acquit us after judging us? On what basis should we give legitimacy to them so to be judges of our destiny?

We have never decided to have an elite above us who has attributed the ability to judge, from popular sovereignty has never been delegated the delicate role legitimately decide what is good and evil. We have never participated in a serious deliberation on justice and law.

It is necessary that we decolonize the legal imaginary of an empire, from when we were plebeians and patricians judged us to impose its laws. We need to recover our autonomy as a people. We do not have to ask permission to be free, nor to ask permission to self-organize us, we must empower ourselves and be able to solve the conflicts between us undoubtedly arise from the coexistence of people, still disturbed by the lack of confidence and the fear.

We may be called dreamers, we may be called radicals, we may be called rebels, we can be called a lot of things, but we cannot be judged, based on the paradigms of a decrepit and aged system that should leave way to the renewal of culture and recovery of community values ​​among humans.

The system will not stop improving their methods of control and no longer know that just laws. One way to extend this domain is by the pathologizing of the annoying behaviors. Lately it has been classified as a psychiatric illness rebellion, giving the possibility to correct from infancy all traces of questioning authority and submissive attitudes promoting scientifically supported with medication to achieve social control. But hey, if we must disobey doctors too, we will do it by all means.

For these reasons we declare ourselves in cheerful and constructive rebellion.

Every time we are more the ones that will disobey any law that is imposed by courts distant from our lives away and subjected to a higher law that if once had a religious character, nowadays has disguised itself as money, greed, selfishness and destruction of the earth and of human dignity.

We openly declare our disobedience to the legal systems of the States and to all the tools they have to try to prevent that we practice our deep desire for emancipation and reconstruction of communal being.

Without feelings of mutual support and solidarity practice, social life of humans would have been virtually impossible. And these feelings and practices have not been established by law; they are previous to all laws and come from experimentation and learning tool generations, from the cooperation necessary to maintain social cohesion.

Hospitality, respect for life, a sense of reciprocity, compassion, mutual support, self-limiting oneself in the interest of the community, among other things, result from common life among free people, adhering to common principles and not subject to any authority outside their own community.

We need a new institutional framework of rights and duties, based on community socio-political values​​. The evaluation and improvement of behaviour within society must regain the human scale, should be in proximity, between people who know, who have common principles, who trust that cooperate with each other and that you can look directly in the eyes.

Enric Duran Giralt